Sarkozy And The Syrian Regime
Randa Takieddine Al-Hayat - 02/01/08//
The year 2008 started with an announcement by President Nicolas Sarkozy from Cairo on New Year's Eve that he and his aides have severed contacts with the Syrian regime as long as Lebanon remains without a conciliatory president. This was followed by a speedy Syrian response through the SANA agency reporting that French presidential palace secretary general Claude Gueante had contacted Walid al-Muallem. Syria's minister of information then denied Sarkozy's announcement as if he is more informed than the French president about France's continued efforts to work with Syria.
The matter of fact is that Gueant called Al-Muallem to inform him that the French initiative has been stalled as a result of France's disappointment and its patience reaching its limit. Sarkozy frankly made it clear in front of the Egyptian president that he had no regrets for speaking with Assad. His initiative was well-intentioned and he truly made every effort to resolve the Lebanese crisis and convince Syria that it was in its interest to recognize Lebanon's independence. However, the Syrian games pushed him over the edge, and hence his statement in Cairo was expressive, frank and clear. He wanted a conciliatory president for Lebanon. An agreement had been reached over General Michel Sleiman who in principle was approved of by all sides. However, Syria's allies eventually started to lay down impossible conditions to prevent him from reaching the presidency.
General Michel Sleiman was not a candidate against Syria. He was always on good terms with Syria to the point that the Syrian president had assured his support for Sleiman's presidency to more than a visitor. However, among the many acquainted with Sleiman in the Arab world, including a prominent Arab minister who is very familiar with Lebanon, describe him as a patriot whose loyalty for Lebanon is above all and that he not only refuses the conditions imposed by Damascus's allies, but that he is also upset with the opposition and its continued obstruction. For example, when a major ally of Syria presented the opposition's demand of the right to name the commander in chief and army security personnel, Sleiman rejected preemptive conditions and demanded that the discussion of such issue take place following his inauguration. Since then, Syria has been shedding suspicions upon Sleiman as a candidate because he would not be another Emil Lahoud. After all, Syria is looking forward to the return of another Lahoud who would effectively bring Syria back to Lebanon with full powers.
Hence, the obstruction of Sleiman's inauguration continued. Speaker Nabih Berri who continues to shut down the parliament as the Egyptian president said and who continues to postpone the election session one week after another, is simply implementing Damascus's plan. France has attempted to convince Syria to leave Lebanon elect its president. The new French president, was unfamiliar with Middle Eastern politics despite the fact that he is surrounded by a skilled diplomatic team including ambassador Jean-David Levitte, a top diplomat who represented France at the United Nations and then in Washington when resolution 1559 was adopted, and also an expert on Middle Eastern politics. Yet Sarkozy wanted to see for himself if Syria would respond to the French initiative through its allies in Lebanon and through its obstructive games.
French foreign minister Bernard Kouchner, a close friend of the president, was the first to realize these realities despite the face that had attempted from the beginning to bring all sides in Lebanon together. However, he realized that the assassinations continued and understood the real sources of obstruction, and like his president, he speaks frankly and openly away from the banality of wooden language. He condemned the Syrian obstruction and realized that openness toward this regime was futile, especially as Syria offered nothing in return for the international boost that it received from France. All this led to Sarkozy's conclusion that he had tried but was let down by Syrian insincerity.
For the first time, the French president tied the formation of the international tribunal with pressures on Syria since he is aware that this remains Damascus's obsession. Sarkozy wastes no time since he is in haste to find solutions, to implement his reforms, and to get what he was promised. He has no appreciation for those who are dishonest with him, or disappoint him or obstruct his efforts. The Syrian regime takes its time and is determined to maintain the void in Lebanon, probably until the upcoming parliamentary elections in the hope of installing General Michel Aoun as president who remains its only candidate and who is seen by Syria's allies in Lebanon as the only guarantor of a return of Syria's complete power in Lebanon.
The question laid in front of the conference for Arab foreign ministers called for by Amro Moussa is: should the Arab summit be held in Cairo, the headquarters of the Arab League, instead of Damascus, especially given the absence of a Lebanese president and the lack of Arab unanimity over holding the conference in the first place? It is difficult to imagine holding the conference in Damascus without a president in Lebanon. Sarkozy visits Saudi Arabia on January 13 and meets the Saudi king and the prince crown. It is likely that the Lebanese issue will dominate their talks just as it did during Sarkozy's visit to President Mubarak in Egypt.
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