english.daralhayat.com 2008/10/08 11:31 GMT

Ending Terrorism By Investing In Youth And Making The People Partners In Reform

Raghida Dergham Al-Hayat 2003/11/15

Six months ago, the wave of terror that struck the Arab nation almost brought the people to admit the mistake they had made in trying to give a practical 'justification' to this terror by 'explaining' its background and linking it to the causes of the Arabs and the American stances towards these causes. However, this recognition remained incomplete and insignificant in as far as the Arab public opinion failed to take a definite and clear stance from Al Qaeda and other similar movements by staunchly denouncing the 'culture of destruction,' instead maintaining their secret support for the symbol represented in Osama bin Laden as an 'avenging' tool against U.S. policies.

Six months ago, it seemed that the Arab governments had realized that in order to defeat terrorism, a strategic decision was needed, which would be based on reforming relations with the people and qualitative reforms involving both the authorities and the society. This is what appeared on the surface, as a pattern of 'filtering' reforms and measures started prevailing among the leaders, not to mention that some relied on the U.S. embroilment in Iraq hoping this would dispense them from being held accountable and from making the necessary changes.

This week, terror made a come back in Saudi Arabia, specifically targeting Arab residents, thus reviving an emotional outburst against it at the popular level, accompanied by governmental condemnations and pledges. However, reactions are governed by confusion of the mind, perspective, language and decision, thus leading to ignoring or avoiding a direct confrontation with the reality of the Arab relation to terror. And it is high time this reality be dealt with.

Radical extremist Islam, radical fanatic Judaism and the obsessive radical Christianity all meet at this point of history, which give rise to questionings and surprise. This radicalism requires a counter-radicalism to justify it. These movements meet where they say they depart, and agree where they claim to disagree. They meet in their hatred and yearning for destroying others' environment, not only that of the other radicals. They also agree on the culture of revenge, not only from others, but also from whoever happens to be the target of the different forms of religious radicalism.

Saudi Arabia, just like Egypt, Syria, all the Arab states in the Gulf, East and West, must unquestionably get familiar with the challenges of developing society, and needs to take the decision to venture, by operating clear, fast and bold measures that would turn the people into their trusting partner.

It needs to admit to the consequences of its past investments, whether political, economic, social or religious, in order to have a realistic view of today's needs. Therefore, there is a need to disengage from radical extremism, which used to be pictured as beneficial to the national interest. This also calls for exposing the American-Saudi-Pakistani partnership in producing radicalism and pushing it to Afghanistan as to overthrow communism. Moreover, it must be acknowledged that the times of relying on religious radicalism and exporting it, as well as striking alliances with it on the inside, has reached a decisive stage: today it is either radicalism or the Saudi Kingdom.

The burden isn't solely that of the government, as it involves the popular base as well. The people could be going through a state of depression due to the current situation, of resentment with what they see as an American 'betrayal' and with the negative economic, political and social situation. They are also disappointed in all the promises made, including a realistic democracy that would give them the right to choose. This disappointment does not however make radicalism, represented by the theorists of destruction, a good choice for the people or for Saudi Arabia's future. It would actually be the worst choice, simply because the sole political agenda of advocates of the destruction ideology is destruction itself, as the basis for the rule of religious radicalism.

But if the Saudi people sees the current U.S. administration as an outlet for expressing their hatred and protests against its policy and betrayal, referring to a 'bin Ladenist-Al Qaeda' form of expression would be nothing more than national suicide. Revenge or protest through terrorism only expresses extreme impotence. And impotence, just like revenge, is not healthy for bringing about any change.

Both the people and the government are in serious danger. They are both the targets of a terrible political agenda, through radicalism's revenge. The only moment in the history of Saudi Arabia that deserves a qualitative intersection between the rule and the people for the sake of the nation, is the present moment. What radical neo-conservatives in the U.S. administration have is not important, nor is the avenging political program that Al Qaeda has in mind; what matters is the relation between the popular base and the Saudi government, as it is the sole salvation from radicalism and destruction. This relation cannot bear to wait any longer. It is pressing, decisive and cannot be postponed.

This applies to all Arab countries and not just to those targeted through the calculations of the Americans, Israelis or radical Islamists. The governments would be completely wrong if they assume that traditional security measures are enough to solve the problem, or if they think that the people will be understanding to the fact that they hide behind the security or American violations of civil rights to justify their continued violations. The Arab people have lost patience and their trust in their governments' pledges, and have reached a point of exhaustion whereby suicide has become desired.

The young generation in the Arab region, which constitutes almost 40% of the population, has fallen either in the trap of frustration or oppression or waiting or isolation in a narcissism isolated from its environment. Some have turned to religious radicalism as a means to protest and assert their personality and identity, while others have taken refuge in drugs, to escape their misery and frustration, or to express their choice of personal pleasure over and above all other considerations. Others have retreated from their environments and relating issues, focusing only on the "I" to assert it at the expense of anything else, including values, and based on corruption. There is still another group that has turned its anger to allowing governments to destroy its personality, and has caved in, waiting for change to come from abroad through wars, hegemony or explosions.

And yet, the greatest share of this generation wants to get rid of the prevailing situation and is ready for it. Several reasons account for their inability to do so, some of which are related to the fear of the government's oppression, while others have to do with the total lack of trust in any civil or party-related action that could influence the leaders. There are also reasons related to doubts in the U.S. and its intentions from changing the Arab region.

Whether this generation is lost or is seriously searching for its identity, the Arab governments have and still are contributing to its crisis, not to mention that they are responsible for not pooling its resources to serve the national interest. Furthermore, they are responsible for the youth's need to escape from the Arab region and the fact that migration has become its strongest ambition and desire. The governments have put this generation in a prison of oppression and frustration, by thinking that containing it would serve the survival of their regimes. But the prison has now turned into a time-bomb waiting to blow up.

Dr. Thoraya Obaid, Executive Director of the UN Population Fund, fears it would be too late if a fast change is not operated through a gradual strategy: "I am mostly afraid of a stage of implosions." She explains that symptoms of an implosion have already started surfacing, "and if it takes place without any direction or leadership, there will be destruction." Indeed, there are no serious indications of a new leadership being formed in the Arab region, except for certain "radical leaderships," says Obaid, "and despite the symptoms of political maturity among the youth, this category does not have the necessary awareness, considering the quality of education and knowledge it has received." She adds: "The governments are supposed to realize that the region is going through a critical and dangerous stage. If they wish to remain in power, they have no choice but to open the way to institutions and the youth so that this generation feels that it is its right to question and foster democracy and participate in the community. Otherwise, the implosion is inevitable."

In developing countries, young people less than 24 years old represent 50% to 60% of the population, hence forming the largest young generation in human history. The Asian countries, known as "the Asian Tigers," have reached a level of political and economic stability due to the investment that was made in the youth, through education and health services for the teenagers, as well as a particular focus on educating girls, which has all led to a remarkable leap in economic performance and to what is known as "the window of opportunity."

According to Obaid, "this can only happen once in the history of a nation, and is represented in a strong investment in the youth, which in turn leads to economic growth. But this is not happening in the Arab countries for the moment. No investment of the needed standards is being made in education or health, including in reproductive health… The Arab region is suffering from an unemployment crisis, as the number of unemployed is growing… not to mention that the content of education is no longer adequate to the new economy… and health services take no interest in the youth or in orienting them… the young people have no channels to raise their questions… there is a dualism between the international political values and family values, which limits the dialogue with the youth… women are imported as a sexual good… there is also a covering, even concealment, of the problems of drugs and AIDS, instead of awareness and treatment… as for the imported labor force, they bring with them a culture of violence; and the governesses for babies in the Gulf, for instance, have an influence in the general sense of confusion, in terms of language and culture."

Consequently and eventually, it is all about "security," and about this, Obaid says, "we should pay attention to the youth primarily, to the youth secondarily and to youth thirdly." This generation is the one that carries out terrorism, and that has suffered from bitter ignorance, not to mention that it is the one refusing to participate and only seeks to promote their individuality, and is also the one being rejected worldwide when it tries to escape or emigrate; and is also the one to suffer in its identity search.

There is a crucial and complicated problem in this Arab world that is embroiled in its paradoxes. The first step to get rid of this suffering is to define the relation with terror in a courageous way, and by admitting the existence of a secret admiration for it, under this or that pretext. As long as the general Arab stance towards terrorism remains governed by its suspicions towards the American war on terror or by the Israeli government's terrorism, the Arab region will waste any chance it has to take its fate in control, because it will remain a hostage and a battlefield for the terrorism of religious radical conflict, be it Muslim, Jewish or Christian.

To hesitate would only cause prejudice at this time, as the situation cannot bear an insignificant emotional outburst or security measures that ignore what the governments need to do at the core. The Arab region should take a clear and decisive stance without presenting any justifications or explanations or sympathy to Al Qaeda and other similar organizations. For these do not offer an alternative, but rather serve the ambitions and goals of religious radicalism in Israel and America. Arab governments should take speedy measures to regain their people's trust and take them as partners to them, and this calls for respecting the peoples and their rights, as much as it requires drastic reforms to be taken in order to save the Arab region from the countdown to explosion.

<h1>Ending Terrorism By Investing In Youth And Making The People Partners In Reform</h1><h3>Raghida Dergham     Al-Hayat     2003/11/15</h3>Six months ago, the wave of terror that struck the Arab nation almost brought the people to admit the mistake they had made in trying to give a practical 'justification' to this terror by 'explaining' its background and linking it to the causes of the Arabs and the American stances towards these causes. However, this recognition remained incomplete and insignificant in as far as the Arab public opinion failed to take a definite and clear stance from Al Qaeda and other similar movements by staunchly denouncing the 'culture of destruction,' instead maintaining their secret support for the symbol represented in Osama bin Laden as an 'avenging' tool against U.S. policies.     Six months ago, it seemed that the Arab governments had realized that in order to defeat terrorism, a strategic decision was needed, which would be based on reforming relations with the people and qualitative reforms involving both the authorities and the society. This is what appeared on the surface, as a pattern of 'filtering' reforms and measures started prevailing among the leaders, not to mention that some relied on the U.S. embroilment in Iraq hoping this would dispense them from being held accountable and from making the necessary changes.This week, terror made a come back in Saudi Arabia, specifically targeting Arab residents, thus reviving an emotional outburst against it at the popular level, accompanied by governmental condemnations and pledges. However, reactions are governed by confusion of the mind, perspective, language and decision, thus leading to ignoring or avoiding a direct confrontation with the reality of the Arab relation to terror. And it is high time this reality be dealt with.Radical extremist Islam, radical fanatic Judaism and the obsessive radical Christianity all meet at this point of history, which give rise to questionings and surprise. This radicalism requires a counter-radicalism to justify it. These movements meet where they say they depart, and agree where they claim to disagree. They meet in their hatred and yearning for destroying others' environment, not only that of the other radicals. They also agree on the culture of revenge, not only from others, but also from whoever happens to be the target of the different forms of religious radicalism.Saudi Arabia, just like Egypt, Syria, all the Arab states in the Gulf, East and West, must unquestionably get familiar with the challenges of developing society, and needs to take the decision to venture, by operating clear, fast and bold measures that would turn the people into their trusting partner.It needs to admit to the consequences of its past investments, whether political, economic, social or religious, in order to have a realistic view of today's needs. Therefore, there is a need to disengage from radical extremism, which used to be pictured as beneficial to the national interest. This also calls for exposing the American-Saudi-Pakistani partnership in producing radicalism and pushing it to Afghanistan as to overthrow communism. Moreover, it must be acknowledged that the times of relying on religious radicalism and exporting it, as well as striking alliances with it on the inside, has reached a decisive stage: today it is either radicalism or the Saudi Kingdom.The burden isn't solely that of the government, as it involves the popular base as well. The people could be going through a state of depression due to the current situation, of resentment with what they see as an American 'betrayal' and with the negative economic, political and social situation. They are also disappointed in all the promises made, including a realistic democracy that would give them the right to choose. This disappointment does not however make radicalism, represented by the theorists of destruction, a good choice for the people or for Saudi Arabia's future. It would actually be the worst choice, simply because the sole political agenda of advocates of the destruction ideology is destruction itself, as the basis for the rule of religious radicalism.But if the Saudi people sees the current U.S. administration as an outlet for expressing their hatred and protests against its policy and betrayal, referring to a 'bin Ladenist-Al Qaeda' form of expression would be nothing more than national suicide. Revenge or protest through terrorism only expresses extreme impotence. And impotence, just like revenge, is not healthy for bringing about any change.Both the people and the government are in serious danger. They are both the targets of a terrible political agenda, through radicalism's revenge. The only moment in the history of Saudi Arabia that deserves a qualitative intersection between the rule and the people for the sake of the nation, is the present moment. What radical neo-conservatives in the U.S. administration have is not important, nor is the avenging political program that Al Qaeda has in mind; what matters is the relation between the popular base and the Saudi government, as it is the sole salvation from radicalism and destruction. This relation cannot bear to wait any longer. It is pressing, decisive and cannot be postponed.This applies to all Arab countries and not just to those targeted through the calculations of the Americans, Israelis or radical Islamists. The governments would be completely wrong if they assume that traditional security measures are enough to solve the problem, or if they think that the people will be understanding to the fact that they hide behind the security or American violations of civil rights to justify their continued violations. The Arab people have lost patience and their trust in their governments' pledges, and have reached a point of exhaustion whereby suicide has become desired.The young generation in the Arab region, which constitutes almost 40% of the population, has fallen either in the trap of frustration or oppression or waiting or isolation in a narcissism isolated from its environment. Some have turned to religious radicalism as a means to protest and assert their personality and identity, while others have taken refuge in drugs, to escape their misery and frustration, or to express their choice of personal pleasure over and above all other considerations. Others have retreated from their environments and relating issues, focusing only on the "I" to assert it at the expense of anything else, including values, and based on corruption. There is still another group that has turned its anger to allowing governments to destroy its personality, and has caved in, waiting for change to come from abroad through wars, hegemony or explosions.And yet, the greatest share of this generation wants to get rid of the prevailing situation and is ready for it. Several reasons account for their inability to do so, some of which are related to the fear of the government's oppression, while others have to do with the total lack of trust in any civil or party-related action that could influence the leaders. There are also reasons related to doubts in the U.S. and its intentions from changing the Arab region.Whether this generation is lost or is seriously searching for its identity, the Arab governments have and still are contributing to its crisis, not to mention that they are responsible for not pooling its resources to serve the national interest. Furthermore, they are responsible for the youth's need to escape from the Arab region and the fact that migration has become its strongest ambition and desire. The governments have put this generation in a prison of oppression and frustration, by thinking that containing it would serve the survival of their regimes. But the prison has now turned into a time-bomb waiting to blow up.Dr. Thoraya Obaid, Executive Director of the UN Population Fund, fears it would be too late if a fast change is not operated through a gradual strategy: "I am mostly afraid of a stage of implosions." She explains that symptoms of an implosion have already started surfacing, "and if it takes place without any direction or leadership, there will be destruction." Indeed, there are no serious indications of a new leadership being formed in the Arab region, except for certain "radical leaderships," says Obaid, "and despite the symptoms of political maturity among the youth, this category does not have the necessary awareness, considering the quality of education and knowledge it has received." She adds: "The governments are supposed to realize that the region is going through a critical and dangerous stage. If they wish to remain in power, they have no choice but to open the way to institutions and the youth so that this generation feels that it is its right to question and foster democracy and participate in the community. Otherwise, the implosion is inevitable."In developing countries, young people less than 24 years old represent 50% to 60% of the population, hence forming the largest young generation in human history. The Asian countries, known as "the Asian Tigers," have reached a level of political and economic stability due to the investment that was made in the youth, through education and health services for the teenagers, as well as a particular focus on educating girls, which has all led to a remarkable leap in economic performance and to what is known as "the window of opportunity."According to Obaid, "this can only happen once in the history of a nation, and is represented in a strong investment in the youth, which in turn leads to economic growth. But this is not happening in the Arab countries for the moment. No investment of the needed standards is being made in education or health, including in reproductive health… The Arab region is suffering from an unemployment crisis, as the number of unemployed is growing… not to mention that the content of education is no longer adequate to the new economy… and health services take no interest in the youth or in orienting them… the young people have no channels to raise their questions… there is a dualism between the international political values and family values, which limits the dialogue with the youth… women are imported as a sexual good… there is also a covering, even concealment, of the problems of drugs and AIDS, instead of awareness and treatment… as for the imported labor force, they bring with them a culture of violence; and the governesses for babies in the Gulf, for instance, have an influence in the general sense of confusion, in terms of language and culture."Consequently and eventually, it is all about "security," and about this, Obaid says, "we should pay attention to the youth primarily, to the youth secondarily and to youth thirdly." This generation is the one that carries out terrorism, and that has suffered from bitter ignorance, not to mention that it is the one refusing to participate and only seeks to promote their individuality, and is also the one being rejected worldwide when it tries to escape or emigrate; and is also the one to suffer in its identity search.There is a crucial and complicated problem in this Arab world that is embroiled in its paradoxes. The first step to get rid of this suffering is to define the relation with terror in a courageous way, and by admitting the existence of a secret admiration for it, under this or that pretext. As long as the general Arab stance towards terrorism remains governed by its suspicions towards the American war on terror or by the Israeli government's terrorism, the Arab region will waste any chance it has to take its fate in control, because it will remain a hostage and a battlefield for the terrorism of religious radical conflict, be it Muslim, Jewish or Christian.To hesitate would only cause prejudice at this time, as the situation cannot bear an insignificant emotional outburst or security measures that ignore what the governments need to do at the core. The Arab region should take a clear and decisive stance without presenting any justifications or explanations or sympathy to Al Qaeda and other similar organizations. For these do not offer an alternative, but rather serve the ambitions and goals of religious radicalism in Israel and America. Arab governments should take speedy measures to regain their people's trust and take them as partners to them, and this calls for respecting the peoples and their rights, as much as it requires drastic reforms to be taken in order to save the Arab region from the countdown to explosion.